㈠ the functions of british Parliamentin your own words!
自己抄吧~~~
英國議會的起源The Great Council is known to be the prototype of the current British Parliament. In 1265, Simon de Montfort summoned the Great Council, together with two knights from each county and two citizens from each town. It later developed into the House of Lords and the House of Commons. Its main role was to offer advice. There were no elections or parties. And the most important part of Parliament was the House of Lords.大議會是當今英國議會的原型。1265年,西門德孟福爾召開大議會,各縣有兩名騎士,各鎮有兩名市民參加。大議會發展到後來演變成議會,分為上議院和下議院。其作用是咨詢而非決定;也沒有選舉和政黨。議會的最重要的部分是上議院。
1.The United Kingdom is a unitary, not a federal, state. Parliament consists of the Sovereign, the House of Lords and the House of Commons.英國是中央集權國家,而不是聯邦制國家。議會由君主,上議院和下議院組成。 2.The main functions of Parliament are: (1) to pass laws; (2) to provide, by voting for taxation, the means of carrying on the work of government; (3) to examine government Policy and administrations, including proposal for expenditure; and (4) to debate the major issues of the day.議會的主要作用是:(1)通過立法;(2)投票批准稅為政府工作提供資金;(3)檢查政府政策和行政管理,包括撥款提議;(4)當天的議題辯論。 3.The House of Lords is made up of the Lords Spiritual and the Lords Temporal. The main function of the House of Lords is to bring the wide experience of its members into the process of lawmaking. In other words, the non-elected House is to act as a chamber of revision, complementing but not rivaling the elect House.貴族院(上議院)由神職貴族和世俗貴族組成。它的主要作用是用議員的豐富經驗幫助立法。換而言之,非選舉的上議院是修正議院,補充而非反對由選舉產生的下議院。 4.The House of Common is elected by universal alt suffrage and consists of 651 Members of Parliament (MPs). It is in the House of Commons that the ultimate authority.下議院(平民院)由成人普選產生,由651名議員組成。下議院擁有最終立法權。 5.Britain is divided 651 constituencies. Each of the constituencies returns one member to the House of Commons. A general Election must be held every five years and is often held at more frequent intervals.英國被劃分為651個選區,每個選區選一名下議院議員。大選必須五年舉行一次,但經常不到五年就進行一次選舉。 6.Britain has a number of parties, but there are only two major parties. These two parties are the Conservative Party and the Labour Party. Since 1945, either the Conservative Party or the Labour Party has held power. The party which wins sufficient seats at a General Election to command a majority of Government. The leader of the majority party is appointed Prime Minister. The party which wins the second largest number of seats becomes the Official Opposition, with its own leader and 「shadow cabinet 」. The rule of Opposition is to help the formulation of policy. Criticizes the Government and debate with the Government.英國有很多政黨,但有兩個主要的政黨—保守黨和工黨。從1945年以來,兩黨一直輪流執政,在大選中獲多數議席因而在下議院擁有多數支持者的政黨組建政府,多數黨領袖由君主任命為首相。獲得第二多數議席的政黨則正式成為「反對黨」,有自己的領袖和影子內閣。反對黨的目的是幫助制定政策,它可以經常給政府提出批評性的建議和修正議案。
㈡ 英文介紹不列顛哥倫比亞
British Columbia i/ˌbrɪtɪʃ kəˈlʌmbiə/ (B.C. or BC) (French: la Colombie-Britannique, C.-B.) is the westernmost of Canada's provinces and is known for its natural beauty, as reflected in its Latin motto, Splendor sine occasu ("Splendour without Diminishment"). Its name was chosen by Queen Victoria in 1858. In 1871, it became the sixth province of Canada.
As well as being the westernmost province of Western Canada, British Columbia is also a component of the Pacific Northwest, along with the US states of Oregon and Washington.[4][5]
The capital of British Columbia is Victoria, the 15th largest metropolitan region in Canada. The largest city is Vancouver, the third-largest metropolitan area in Canada, the largest in Western Canada, and the second largest in the Pacific Northwest. In 2009, British Columbia had an estimated population of 4,419,974 (about two and a half million of whom were in Greater Vancouver). The province is currently governed by the BC Liberal Party, led by Premier Christy Clark, who became leader as a result of the party election on February 26, 2011.
British Columbia's economy is largely resource-based. It is the endpoint of transcontinental highways and railways and the site of major Pacific ports, which enable international trade. Less than five percent of its land is arable; the province is agriculturally rich (particularly in the Fraser and Okanagan Valleys) because of its mild weather. Its climate encourages outdoor recreation and tourism, though its economic mainstay has long been resource extraction, principally logging and mining. While the coast of BC and certain valleys in the south-central part of the province have mild weather, the majority of BC's land mass experiences a cold winter temperate to subarctic climate similar to the rest of Canada.
出自維基網路
㈢ 邱吉爾在二戰期間對德宣戰演講稿
Iron Curtain Speech
by Winston Churchill, 1946
本文名句: "From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent."
President McCluer, ladies and gentlemen, and last, but certainly not least, the President of the United States of America:
I am very glad indeed to come to Westminster College this afternoon, and I am complimented that you should give me a degree from an institution whose reputation has been so solidly established. The name "Westminster" somehow or other seems familiar to me. I feel as if I have heard of it before. Indeed now that I come to think of it, it was at Westminster that I received a very large part of my ecation in politics, dialectic, rhetoric, and one or two other things. In fact we have both been ecated at the same, or similar, or, at any rate, kindred establishments.
It is also an honor, ladies and gentlemen, perhaps almost unique, for a private visitor to be introced to an academic audience by the President of the United States. Amid his heavy burdens, ties, and responsibilities--unsought but not recoiled from--the President has traveled a thousand miles to dignify and magnify our meeting here to-day and to give me an opportunity of addressing this kindred nation, as well as my own countrymen across the ocean, and perhaps some other countries too. The President has told you that it is his wish, as I am sure it is yours, that I should have full liberty to give my true and faithful counsel in these anxious and baffling times. I shall certainly avail myself of this freedom, and feel the more right to do so because any private ambitions I may have cherished in my younger days have been satisfied beyond my wildest dreams. Let me however make it clear that I have no official mission or status of any kind, and that I speak only for myself. There is nothing here but what you see.
I can therefore allow my mind, with the experience of a lifetime, to play over the problems which beset us on the morrow of our absolute victory in arms, and to try to make sure with what strength I have that what has gained with so much sacrifice and suffering shall be preserved for the future glory and safety of mankind.
Ladies and gentlemen, the United States stands at this time at the pinnacle of world power. It is a solemn moment for the American Democracy. For with primacy in power is also joined an awe-inspiring accountability to the future. If you look around you, you must feel not only the sense of ty done but also you must feel anxiety lest you fall below the level of achievement. Opportunity is here and now, clear and shining for both our countries. To reject it or ignore it or fritter it away will bring upon us all the long reproaches of the after-time. It is necessary that the constancy of mind, persistency of purpose, and the grand simplicity of decision shall rule and guide the conct of the English-speaking peoples in peace as they did in war. We must, and I believe we shall, prove ourselves equal to this severe requirement.
President McCluer, when American military men approach some serious situation they are wont to write at the head of their directive the words "over-all strategic concept". There is wisdom in this, as it leads to clarity of thought. What then is the over-all strategic concept which we should inscribe to-day? It is nothing less than the safety and welfare, the freedom and progress, of all the homes and families of all the men and women in all the lands. And here I speak particularly of the myriad cottage or apartment homes where the wage-earner strives amid the accidents and difficulties of life to guard his wife and children from privation and bring the family up the fear of the Lord, or upon ethical conceptions which often play their potent part.
To give security to these countless homes, they must be shielded form two gaunt marauders, war and tyranny. We al know the frightful disturbance in which the ordinary family is plunged when the curse of war swoops down upon the bread-winner and those for whom he works and contrives. The awful ruin of Europe, with all its vanished glories, and of large parts of Asia glares us in the eyes. When the designs of wicked men or the aggressive urge of mighty States dissolve over large areas the frame of civilized society, humble folk are confronted with difficulties with which they cannot cope. For them is all distorted, all is broken, all is even ground to pulp.
When I stand here this quiet afternoon I shudder to visualize what is actually happening to millions now and what is going to happen in this period when famine stalks the earth. None can compute what has been called "the unestimated sum of human pain". Our supreme task and ty is to guard the homes of the common people from the horrors and miseries of another war. We are all agreed on that.
Our American military colleagues, after having proclaimed their "over-all strategic concept" and computed available resources, always proceed to the next step--namely, the method. Here again there is widespread agreement. A world organization has already been erected for the prime purpose of preventing war. UNO, the successor of the League of Nations, with the decisive addition of the United States and all that that means, is already at work. We must make sure that its work is fruitful, that it is a reality and not a sham, that it is a force for action, and not merely a frothing of words, that it is a true temple of peace in which the shields of many nations can some day be hung up, and not merely a cockpit in a Tower of Babel. Before we cast away the solid assurances of national armaments for self-preservation we must be certain that our temple is built, not upon shifting sands or quagmires, but upon a rock. Anyone can see with his eyes open that our path will be difficult and also long, but if we persevere together as we did in the two world wars--though not, alas, in the interval between them--I cannot doubt that we shall achieve our common purpose in the end.
I have, however, a definite and practical proposal to make for action. Courts and magistrates may be set up but they cannot function without sheriffs and constables. The United Nations Organization must immediately begin to be equipped with an international armed force. In such a matter we can only go step by step, but we must begin now. I propose that each of the Powers and States should be invited to dedicate a certain number of air squadrons to the service of the world organization. These squadrons would be trained and prepared in their own countries, but would move around in rotation from one country to another. They would wear the uniforms of their own countries but with different badges. They would not be required to act against their own nation, but in other respects they would be directed by the world organization. This might be started on a modest scale and it would grow as confidence grew. I wished to see this done after the first world war, and I devoutly trust that it may be done forthwith.
It would nevertheless, ladies and gentlemen, be wrong and imprudent to entrust the secret knowledge or experience of the atomic bomb, which the United States, great Britain, and Canada now share, to the world organization, while still in its infancy. It would be criminal madness to cast it adrift in this still agitated and un-united world. No one country has slept less well in their beds because this knowledge and the method and the raw materials to apply it, are present largely retained in American hands. I do not believe we should all have slept so soundly had the positions been reversed and some Communist or neo-Fascist State monopolized for the time being these dread agencies. The fear of them alone might easily have been used to enforce totalitarian systems upon the free democratic world, with consequences appalling to human imagination. God has willed that this shall not be and we have at least a breathing space to set our world house in order before this peril has to be encountered: and even then, if no effort is spared, we should still possess so formidable a superiority as to impose effective deterrents upon its employment, or threat of employment, by others. Ultimately, when the essential brotherhood of man is truly embodied and expressed in a world organization with all the necessary practical safeguards to make it effective, these powers would naturally be confided to that world organizations.
Now I come to the second of the two marauders, to the second danger which threatens the cottage homes, and the ordinary people -- namely, tyranny. We cannot be blind to the fact that the liberties enjoyed by indivial citizens throughout the United States and throughout the British Empire are not valid in a considerable number of countries, some of which are very powerful. In these States control is enforced upon the common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. The power of the State is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. It is not our ty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the English-speaking world and which through Magna Carta, the Bill of rights, the Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and the English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence.
All this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. Here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. Here is the message of the British and American peoples to mankind. Let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.
Though I have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, War and Tyranny, I have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. But if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.
Now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. I have often used words which I learn fifty years ago from a great Irish-American orator, a friend of mine, Mr. Bourke Cockran, "There is enough for all. The earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace." So far I feel that we are in full agreement.
Now, while still pursing the method--the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, I come to the crux of what I have traveled here to say. Neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what I have called the fraternal association of the English-speaking peoples. This means a special relationship between the British Commonwealth and Empire and the United States of America. Ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and I will venture to the precise. Fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of the intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. It should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all Naval and Air Force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. This would perhaps double the mobility of the American Navy and Air Force. It would greatly expand that of the British Empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. Already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.
the United States has already a Permanent Defense Agreement with the Dominion of Canada, which is so devotedly attached to the British Commonwealth and the Empire. This Agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. This principle should be extended to all the British Commonwealths with full reciprocity. Thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. Eventually there may come -- I feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.
There is however an important question we must ask ourselves. Would a special relationship between the United States and the British Commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the World Organization? I reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. There are already the special United States relations with Canada that I have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the United States and the South American Republics. We British have also our twenty years Treaty of Collaboration and Mutual Assistance with Soviet Russia. I agree with Mr. Bevin, the Foreign Secretary of Great Britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. We aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with Russia. The British have an alliance with Portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which proced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. None of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. "In my father's house are many mansions." Special associations between members of the United Nations which have no aggressive point against any other country, which harbor no design incompatible with the Charter of the United Nations, far from being harmful, are beneficial and, as I believe, indispensable.
I spoke earlier, ladies and gentlemen, of the Temple of Peace. Workmen from all countries must build that temple. If two of the workmen know each other particularly well and are old friends, if their families are intermingled, if they have "faith in each other's purpose, hope in each other's future and charity towards each other's shortcomings"--to quote some good words I read here the other day--why cannot they work together at the common task as friends and partners? Why can they not share their tools and thus increase each other's working powers? Indeed they must do so or else the temple may not be built, or, being built, it may collapse, and we should all be proved again unteachable and have to go and try to learn again for a third time in a school of war incomparably more rigorous than that from which we have just been released. The dark ages may return, the Stone Age may return on the gleaming wings of science, and what might now shower immeasurable material blessings upon mankind, may even bring about its total destruction. Beware, I say; time may be short. Do not let us take the course of allowing events to drift along until it is too late. If there is to be a fraternal association of the kind of I have described, with all the strength and security which both our countries can derive from it, let us make sure that that great fact is known to the world, and that it plays its part in steadying and stabilizing the foundations of peace. There is the path of wisdom. Prevention is better than the cure.
A shadow has fallen upon the scenes so lately light by the Allied victory. Nobody knows what Soviet Russia and its Communist international organization intends to do in the immediate future, or what are the limits, if any, to their expansive and proselytizing tendencies. I have a strong admiration and regard for the valiant Russian people and for my wartime comrade, Marshall Stalin. There is deep sympathy and goodwill in Britain -- and I doubt not here also -- towards the peoples of all the Russias and a resolve to persevere through many differences and rebuffs in establishing lasting friendships. We understand the Russian need to be secure on her western frontiers by the removal of all possibility of German aggression. We welcome Russia to her rightful place among the leading nations of the world. We welcome her flag upon the seas. Above all, we welcome, or should welcome, constant, frequent and growing contacts between the Russian people and our own people on both sides of the Atlantic. It is my ty however, for I am sure you would wish me to state the facts as I see them to you. It is my ty to place before you certain facts about the present position in Europe.
From Stettin in the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic an iron curtain has descended across the Continent. Behind that line lie all the capitals of the ancient states of Central and Eastern Europe. Warsaw, Berlin, Prague, Vienna, Budapest, Belgrade, Bucharest and Sofia, all these famous cities and the populations around them lie in what I must call the Soviet sphere, and all are subject in one form or another, not only to Soviet influence but to a very high and, in some cases, increasing measure of control from Moscow. Athens alone -- Greece with its immortal glories -- is free to decide its future at an election under British, American and French observation. The Russian-dominated Polish Government has been encouraged to make enormous and wrongful inroads upon Germany, and mass expulsions of millions of Germans on a scale grievous and undreamed-of are now taking place. The Communist parties, which were very small in all these Eastern States of Europe, have been raised to pre-eminence and power far beyond their numbers and are seeking everywhere to obtain totalitarian control. Police governments are prevailing in nearly every case, and so far, except in Czechoslovakia, there is no true democracy.
Turkey and Persia are both profoundly alarmed and disturbed at the claims which are being made upon them and at the pressure being exerted by the Moscow Government. An attempt is being made by the Russians in Berlin to build up a quasi-Communist party in their zone of occupied Germany by showing special favors to groups of left-wing German leaders. At the end of the fighting last June, the American and British Armies withdrew westward, in accordance with an earlier agreement, to a depth at some points of 150 miles upon a front of nearly four hundred miles, in order to allow our Russian allies to occupy this vast expanse of territory which the Western Democracies had conquered.
If no the Soviet Government tries, by separate act
㈣ 詹天佑的簡介
詹天佑,字眷誠,江西婺源人。1861年(清咸豐十一年)出生在一個普通茶商家庭。兒時的詹天佑對機器十分感興趣,常和鄰里孩子一起,用泥土仿做各種機器模型。有時,他還偷偷地把家裡的自鳴鍾拆開,擺弄和捉摸裡面的構件,提出一些連大人也無法解答的問題。1872年,年僅十二歲的詹天佑到香港報考清政府籌辦的「幼童出洋預習班」。考取後,父親在一張寫明「倘有疾病生死,各安天命」的出洋證明書上畫了押。從此,他辭別父母,懷著學習西方「技藝」的理想,來到美國就讀。
在美國,出洋預習班的同學們,目睹北美西歐科學 技術的巨大成就,對機器、火車、輪船及電訊製造業的迅速發展贊嘆不已。有的同學由此對中國的前途產生悲觀情緒,詹天佑卻懷著堅定的信念說:「今後,中國也要有火車、輪船。」他懷著為祖國富強而發奮學習的信念,刻苦學習,於1867年以優異的成績畢業於紐海文中學業。同年五月考入耶魯大學土木工程系,專攻鐵路工程。在大學的四年中,詹天佑刻苦學習,以突出成績在畢業考試中名列第一。1881年,在一百二十名回國的中國留學生中,獲得學位的只有兩人,詹天佑就是其中的一個。
回國後,詹天佑滿腔熱忱地准備把所學本領貢獻給祖國的鐵路事業。但是,清政府洋務派官員迷信外國,在修築鐵路時一味依靠洋人,竟不顧詹天佑的專業特長,把他差遣到福建水師學堂學駕駛海船。1882年11月又被派往旗艦「揚武」號擔任駕駛官,指揮操練。1883年,中法戰爭爆發,第二年,蓄謀已久的法國艦隊陸續進入閩江,蠢蠢欲動。可是主管福建水師的投降派船政大臣何如璋卻不聞不問,甚至下令:「不準先行開炮,違者雖勝亦斬!」這時,詹天佑便私下對「揚武」號管帶(艦長)張成說:「法國兵船來了很多,居心叵測。雖然我們接到命令,不準先行開炮,但我們決不能不預先防備。」由於詹天佑的告誡,「揚武」號十分警惕,作好了戰斗准備。當法國艦隊發起突然襲擊時,詹天佑冒著猛烈的炮火,沉著機智地指揮「揚武」號左來右往;避開敵方炮火,抓住戰機用尾炮擊中法國指揮艦「伏爾他」號,使法國海軍遠征司令孤拔險些喪命。對這場海戰,上海英商創辦的《字林西報》在報道中也不得不驚異地贊嘆:「西方人士料不到中國人會這樣勇敢力戰。『揚武』號兵艦上的五個學生,以詹天佑的表現最為勇敢。他臨大敵而毫無懼色,並且在生死存亡的緊要關頭還能鎮定如常,鼓足勇氣,在水中救起多人……」
從戰後到1888年,詹天佑兒經周折,轉入中國鐵路公司,擔任工程師,這是他獻身中國鐵路事業的開始。
剛上任不久,詹天佑就遇到了一次考驗。當時從天津到山海關的津榆鐵路修到灤河,要造一座橫跨灤河的鐵路橋。灤河河床泥沙很深,又遇到水漲急流。鐵橋開始由號稱世界第一流的英國工程師擔任設計,但失敗了;後來請日本工程師衽實行包工,也不頂用,最後讓德國工程師出馬,不久也敗下陣來。詹天佑要求由中國人自己來搞,負責工程的英國人在走投無路的情況下,只得同意詹天佑來試試。
詹天佑是一個認真踏實的人,他分析總結了三個外國工程師失敗的原因後,身著工作衣與工人一起實地調查,(P116)密測量。夜晚,借著幽暗的油燈,又仔細研究灤河河床的地質構造,反復分析比較,最後才確定橋墩的位置,並且大膽決定採用新方法——「壓氣沉箱法」來進行橋墩的施工。詹天佑果然成功了灤河大橋建成了。這件事震驚了世界:一個中國工程師居然解決了三個外國工程師無法完成的大難題。
詹天佑初戰告捷後,立刻遇到了更為嚴峻的考驗。1905年,清政府決定興建我國第一條鐵路京張鐵路(北京至張家口)。英俄都想插手,由於中國人民的強烈反對,他們的企圖沒能得逞。英俄使臣以威脅的口吻說:「如果京張鐵路由中國工程師自己建造,那麼與英俄兩國無關。」他們原以為這么一來,中國就無法建造這條鐵路了。在這關鍵時刻,詹天佑毫不猶豫地接下了這個艱巨的任務,全權負責京張鐵路的修築。消息傳來,一些帝國主義分子及英國報刊挖苦說:「中國能夠修築這條鐵路的工程師還在娘胎里沒出世呢!中國人想不靠外國人自己修鐵路,就算不是夢想,至少也得五十年。」他們甚至攻擊詹天佑擔任總辦兼總工程師是「狂妄自大」、「不自量力」。詹天佑頂著壓力,堅持不任用一個外國工程師,並表示:「中國地大物博,而於一路之工必須借重外人,我以為恥!」「中國已經醒過來了,中國人要用自己的工程師和自己的錢來建築鐵路。」
1905年8月,京張鐵路正式開工,緊張的勘探、選線工作開始了。詹天佑帶著測量隊,身背儀器,日夜奔波在崎嶇的山嶺上。一天傍晚,猛烈的西北風卷著沙石在八達嶺一帶呼嘯怒吼,颳得人睜不開眼睛,測量隊急著結束工作,填個測得的數字,就從岩壁上爬下來。詹天佑接過本子,一邊翻看填寫的數字,一邊疑惑地問:「數據准確嗎」?「差不多」,測量隊員回答說。詹天佑嚴肅地說:「技術的第一個要求是精密,不能有一點模糊和輕率,『大概』、『差不多』這類說法不應該出於工程人員之口。」接著,他背起儀器,冒著風沙,重新吃力地攀到岩壁上,認真地復勘了一遍,修正了一個誤差。當他下來時,嘴唇也凍青了。
不久,勘探和施工進入最困難的階段。在八達嶺、青龍橋一帶,山巒重迭,陡壁懸岩,要開四條隧道,其中最長的達一千多米。詹天佑經過精確測量計算,決定採取分段施工法:從山的南北兩端同時對鑿,並在山的中段開一口大井,在井中再向南北兩端對鑿。這樣既保證了施工質量,又加快了工程進度。鑿洞時,大量的石塊全靠人工一鍬鍬地挖,湧出的泉水要一擔擔地挑出來,身為總工程師的詹天佑毫無架子,與工人同挖石,同挑水,一身污泥一臉汗。他還鼓舞大家說:「京張鐵路是我們用自己的人、自己的錢修建的第一條鐵路,全世界的眼睛都在望著我們,必須成功!」「無論成功或失敗,決不是我們自己的成功和失敗,而是我們國家的成功和失敗!」
為了克服陡坡行車的困難,保證火車安全爬上八達嶺,詹天佑獨具匠心,創造性地運用「折返線」原理,在山多坡陡的青龍橋地段設計了一段人字形線路,從而減少了隧道的開挖,降低了坡度。列車開到這里,配合兩台大馬力機車,一拉一推,保證列車安全上坡。
詹天佑對全線工程曾提出「花錢少,質量好,完工快」三項要求。京張鐵路經過工人們幾處奮斗,終於在1909年9月全線通車。原計劃六年完成,結果只用了四年就提前完工,工程費用只及外國人估價的五分之一。一些歐美工程師乘車參觀後嘖嘖稱道,贊譽詹天佑了不起。但詹天佑卻謙虛地說:「這是京張鐵路一萬多員工的力量,不是我個人的功勞,光榮是應該屬於大家的。」
京張鐵路建成後,詹天佑又繼任了粵漢鐵路督辦兼總工程師。這時,美國決定授予他工科博士學位,要他親自去美國參加授銜儀式。為了全力參加祖國鐵路建設,他放棄了這一榮譽。
辛亥革命後,詹天佑為了振興鐵路事業,和同行了起成立中華工程學會,並被推為會長。這期間,他對青年工程技術人員的培養傾注了大量心血,他除了以自己的行為作出榜樣外,還勉勵青年「精研學術,以資發明」,要求他們「勿屈己徇人,勿沽名而釣譽。以誠接物,毋挾褊私,圭璧束身,以為範例。」
詹天佑從事鐵路事業三十多年,幾乎和當時我國的每一條鐵路都有不同程度的關系。到晚年,因積勞成疾,不幸於1919年病逝。周恩來同志曾高度評價詹天佑的功績,說他是「中國人的光榮」。
詹天佑英文簡介
Tianyou (1861-1919), wife and children - and word-flows and native Anhui inspecting (currently under Jiangxi), Qianlong 25 years (1760), grandfather of tea with family members to Guangzhou operating business. Jiaqing 21 years (1816), grandfather moved outside 12 just West, the South China Sea 25 years naturalization counties (12 of the South China Sea just at the time of arrest). Represented parents live in just 12. Represented was born in Guangzhou. Rule together 11 years (1872), as young as 12 years old represented the first successful U.S.-selected government study, with his Hong traveling abroad. 1878 (1878) entered the United States Yale University Civil Engineering Department, the study projects, outstanding. Guangxu seven years after the return, sent ships Councils Fuzhou Navy ships driving school to learn, by five goods military exploit. The following year graated in Jan force of warships sent. Guangxu decade of Fuzhou ship Councils school teacher for teaching seriously, by the Qing government Dingdai five goods. In autumn, the Governor should be sold Zhangdong request, to the Guangdong Province Guangdong Whampoa real learning Museum teacher. After a study hall instead learned Museum, surface inspection division. Represented continuation, and in the design and construction of Battery mapping coastal charts. Guangxu 14 years to Tianjin-China Railway Engineering Corporation Gang Division (now the engineers. The same below), in the construction of Jingu Railway. Later in the construction of Tianjin elm Railway, the use of "pressure gas caisson method" piling, the successful completion of the Great River Bridge Luan River bridge foundation works to address the unresolved problems of foreign engineers. Guangxu 20 years been absorbed in the British Civil Engineering Institute. Thereafter has engaged in Tianjin Lo, Jinzhou, Ping, sweet wine such as railway construction. Guangxu 28 years, appointed a new independent Yi railway projects for my own preparations for Beijing Zhang railway done. Guangxu She recommended to the Department of Business, a 4-foot 8-inch National Unity (1.435 m) standards track uniform engineering standards, promote the use of automatic coupling to our own design and lay a sound foundation for the construction of the railway. This year, he was appointed to the Department, the Department of Road Works Members and mail consultants, and elected to Shanghai, the European Institute of Architects Royal Engineers. In the same year he was transferred to Beijing Zhang, Chief Engineer of the railway will run, the total run, the construction of Beijing Zhang Railway. According to the terrain will be represented in Shanyao tracks running "person" font, circuitous travel, followed and, in order to meet the Tsing Lung Bridge, the route than originally planned to rece by half. Railway line in Beijing Zhang construction process, the use of blasting France, launched Block 4 Tunnel. Badaling tunnels which span 1,091 metres, drilling, construction of a straight wells France, accelerated progress cave had no little difference to Jing Zhang railway built two years earlier, in Xuantong Period 145,000 (1909) officially opened in August. British chief engineer Kinda Cox also agreed with the "music." Jing Zhang of China Railway built a milestone in the development of modern science and technology, represented the first railway to train engineers for the construction of a well-developed railway and railway traffic management, road maintenance, motorcycles, cable, and a patrol. Xuantong Period 2002 (1910), represented by the court in awarding engineering Scholars first. Xuantong Period spring back to the Guangzhou office of three years 粵漢 Canton Railway Corporation to run Premier (general manager) and the total project Division. In May leading Guangdong Lu company Lo authorities against court to "state" for the right to sell foreign player Lu. Wuchang Uprising, leading Yue - Han Railroad personnel to all positions and ensure that trains will operate in support of the Revolution of 1911. The first (1912) in May represented in the sand Station (provincial Yue - Han Railroad Company headquarters) to Dr. Sun Yat-sen inspections. July was appointed Yue - Han Railroad will be running. In December Renhan Guangdong and Sichuan Road will be done to help manage and competent engineering services. In Guangzhou tenure, the creation of a multidisciplinary academic groups Guangdong China engineer, was elected the first president. 1913, the initiative will be engineers Guangdong China, the Shanghai Institute, the Shanghai Road will be merged my masonic 3 in the establishment of China Hankow engineers will be elected the first president. Granted by the government in 1914 and was promoted to second class Jiahe Zhang Han Guangdong and Sichuan for rail handling, after his election as Member of the British railway track. 1919, on behalf of Northeast China to attend the joint supervision of the Far East Railway International Conference strongly defend national sovereignty. Represented write a "Railway terminology table", "Wa Ying workers learn new vocabulary," and has edited the "Jing Zhang railway standards," and "Jing Zhang Railway Discipline slightly." 24 April 1919 at Hankow under death behind Beijing. By the PRC Ministry of Railways in 1982 held a grand ceremony of the Tsing Lung Bridge Juyongguan have left the station.
㈤ 詹天佑英語簡介!
詹天佑的資料
詹天佑的資料 - 詹天佑簡介
詹天佑,字眷誠。1861年生於廣東南海縣。1872年7月8日年僅12歲的詹天佑作為中國第一批官辦留美學生留學美國。
詹天佑在美國先後就學於威哈吩小學,弩哈吩中學,1881年又以優異成績畢業於耶魯大學,並寫出題為《碼頭起重機的研究》的畢業論文,獲學士學位,並於同年回國。回國後詹天佑入馬尾船政前學堂學習,學成後派往福建水師旗艦「揚武」任炮手,參加了馬尾海戰。戰後被調入黃埔水師學堂任教習。
福建水師旗艦「揚武」
1888年,詹天佑由老同學鄺孫謀的推薦,到中國鐵路公司任工程師。被湮沒了七年之久的詹天佑才有機會獻身於祖國的鐵路事業。此時正值天津-唐山鐵路施工,他不願久居天津,就親臨工地,與工人同甘共苦,結果只用八十天的時間就竣工通車了。但李鴻章卻以英人金達之功上奏,並提升金達為總工程師。詹天佑之功就這樣被剽竊了。
1890年清政府又修關內外鐵路(今京沈鐵路),以金達為總工程師。1892年工程進行到灤河大橋,許多國家都想兜攬這樁生意,金達當然以英人為先,但英人喀克斯以建不成橋而失敗。日本、德國的承包者也都遭失敗。由於交工期限將至,金達才不得不求於詹天佑。詹天佑詳盡分析了各國失敗原因,又對灤河底的地質土壤進行了周密的測量研究之後,決定改變樁址,採用中國傳統的方法,以中國的潛水員潛入河底,配以機器操作,勝利完成了打樁任務,建成灤河大橋。這一勝利長了中國人民的志氣。1894年英國工程研究會選舉詹天佑為該會會員。
此後,詹天佑又領導了京津路、萍醴路(萍鄉至醴陵)等鐵路的建築。
袁世凱為討好那拉氏,1902年奏請修建一條專供皇室祭祖之用的新易鐵路(高碑店至易縣)。坐火車去祭祖,那拉氏自然高興。為了不誤1903年祭祖之用,命袁世凱於六個月內完工。袁世凱命詹天佑為總工程師。盡管此路價值不大,卻是中國人自修鐵路之始,因此詹天佑仍是非常重視。詹天佑徹底拋棄了當時外國人必須在路基修成之後風干一年才可鋪軌的常規,僅用四個月的時間以極省的費用建成新易鐵路。大大鼓舞了中國人自建鐵路的信心,為後來京張鐵路的修築打下良好基礎。
張家口為北京通往內蒙古的要沖,南北旅商來往之孔道,向來為兵家所必爭,因此京張鐵路就有著重要的經濟價值和政治價值。當清廷要修京張路的消息傳出後,在華勢力最大的英國志在必得,視長城以北為其勢力范圍的沙俄誓不相讓,雙方爭持不下,最後達成協議:如果清廷不借外債,不用洋匠,全由中國人自修此路,雙方可都不伸手。這樣,清政府就打消了求救於洋人的念頭而一心自修了。
1905年5月,京張鐵路總局和工程局成立,以陳昭常為總辦,詹天佑為會辦兼總工程師,1906年詹天佑又升為總辦兼總工程師。詹天佑清楚地知道這一任務的艱巨性,他首先必須頂住來自各方面的冷嘲熱諷:有人說他是「自不量力」,「不過花幾個錢罷了」,甚至說他是「膽大妄為」。他給他的美國老師諾索朴夫人的信中就這樣說:「如果京張工程失敗的話,不但是我的不幸,中國工程師的不幸,同時帶給中國很大損失。在我接受這一任務前後,許多外國人露骨地宣稱中國工程師不能擔當京張線的石方和山洞的艱巨工程,但是我堅持我工程」。充分體現了中國知識分子的愛國心和民族責任心。
詹天佑勘測了三條路線,第二條繞道過遠為不可取。第三條就是今天的豐沙線。由於清廷撥款有限,時間緊迫,詹天佑決定採用第一條路線,即從豐台北上西直門、沙河、經南口、居庸關、八達嶺、懷來、雞鳴驛、宣化到張家口,全長360華里。全線的難關在關溝,這一帶疊巒重嶂,懸殊峭壁,工程之難在當時為全國所沒有,世界所罕見;坡度極大,南口和八達嶺的高度相差180丈。詹天佑把全線分為三段:豐台到南口為第一段,南口到康莊為第二段,余為第三段。
1905年9月4日正式開工,12月12日開始鋪軌。就在鋪軌的第一天,一列工程車的一個車鉤鏈子折斷,造成脫軌事故。這一下成了中國人不能自修鐵路的證據,各種誹謗中傷紛至沓來。但詹天佑沒有驚慌失措,反倒冷靜地想到:此路坡度極大,每節車廂之間的連接性能稍有不固,事故就難避免。為此,他使用了自動掛鉤法,終於解決了這個問題。
1906年9月30日第一段工程全部通車,第二段工程同時開始。難關就在第二段,首先必須打通居庸關、五桂頭、石佛寺、八達嶺四條隧道,最長的八達嶺隧道1,092公尺。這不僅要有精確的計算和正確的指揮,還要有新式的開山機、通風機和抽水機。前者對詹天佑都不成問題,而後者當時中國全都沒有,只在靠工人的雙手,其困難程度可以想見。他們硬是克服了重重困難,終於在1908年9月完成了第二段工程。
第三段工程的難度僅次於關溝,首先遇到的是懷來大橋,這是京張路上最長的一座橋,它由七根一百英尺長的鋼梁架設而成。由於詹天佑正確地指揮,及時建成。1909年4月2日火車通到下花園。下花園到雞鳴驛礦區岔道一段雖不長,工程極難。右臨羊河,左傍石山,山上要開一條六丈深的通道,山下要墊高七華里長的河床。詹天佑即以山上開道之石來墊山下河床。為防山洪沖擊路基,又用水泥磚加以保護,勝利完成了第三段工段。
對於工程上的困難,詹天佑從未放在眼裡,對於人為的障礙卻使詹天佑憂憤至極。清河有個叫廣宅的人,是前任道員,皇室載澤的親戚,朝野均有勢力。鐵路恰經其墳地,他即率眾鬧事,阻止工程,私下又許以重賄,要求改道。郵傳部竟不敢過問。這里北面是鄭王墳,南面是宦官墳,西面是那拉氏父親桂公墳,要大改道不知要浪費多少時間和經費。詹天佑以受賄為可恥,絕不改道,竟以去留相力爭。最後因五大臣出洋被炸,載澤嚇得不敢與聞外事,廣宅才因失去靠山而同意經其墳牆以外通過。
那拉氏為修頤和園每年不惜數千萬金,獨不願為修路出錢。京張鐵路經費全靠關內外鐵路的贏余,而此款卻被控制在英國匯豐銀行手中,正當進入第二段工程時,匯豐銀行故意刁難,拖付款餉,造成誤工。詹天佑既不善鑽營於權貴,更恥於逢迎於洋人,因而憤懣至極。
帝國主義無時不想奪取此路,工程一開始,日本人雨宮敬次郎就上書袁世凱說:中國人無力修成此路,不如聘請日本技師較為穩妥。英國人金達也來替日本說項。詹天佑以此路決不任用任何一個外國人為由斷然拒絕。居庸關遂道工程開始後,三五成群的外國人,以打獵為名常來窺探,他們希望工程失敗以便乘人之危。詹天佑以出色的成績為中國人出了這口氣。
京張鐵路建成典禮
此路原訂六年完成,詹天佑終於提前兩年於1909年8月11日全線通車了,還節餘二十八萬兩銀子。京張路的勝利完成,是中國人民的勝利,也是中國愛國知識分子愛國精神的充分體現。
京張路完式之後,詹天佑應廣東商辦粵漢鐵路總公司的聘請,於1910年任該公司總理,又於1912年5月兼任漢粵川鐵路會辦。由於中國政府的腐敗無能,帝國主義的在華角逐,竟使這位愛國的、天才的傑出工程師不能施展才能,焦慮至極。終因勞瘁成疾,於1919年4月24日下午三時半逝世於漢口,享年五十九歲。
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㈥ 華盛頓的英文個人資料
Washington resigned his commission in 1754, but in May 1755 he began service as a volunteer aide-de-camp to the British general Edward Braddock, who had been sent to Virginia with a force of British regulars. A few kilometers from Fort Duquesne, Braddock抯 men were ambushed by a band of French soldiers and Indians. Braddock was mortally wounded, and Washington, who behaved gallantly ring the conflict, narrowly escaped death. In August 1755 he was appointed (with the rank of colonel) to command the Virginia regiment, charged with the defense of the long western frontier of the colony. War between France and Britain was officially declared in May 1756, and while the principal struggle moved to other areas, Washington succeeded in keeping the Virginia frontier relatively safe.
The American Revolution.
After the death of his elder half brother Lawrence (1718?2), Washington inherited the plantation known as Mount Vernon. A spectacular rise in the price of tobacco ring the 1730s and ?0s, combined with his marriage in 1759 to Martha Custis, a young widow with a large estate, made him one of the wealthiest men in Virginia. Elected to the House of Burgesses in 1758, he served conscientiously but without special distinction for 17 years. He also gained political and administrative experience as justice of the peace for Fairfax Co.
Like other Virginia planters, Washington became alarmed by the repressive measures of the British crown and Parliament in the 1760s and early ?0s. In July 1774 he presided over a meeting in Alexandria that adopted the Fairfax Resolves, calling for the establishment and enforcement of a stringent boycott on British imports prior to similar action by the First Continental Congress. Together with his service in the House of Burgesses, his public response to unpopular British policies won Washington election as a Virginia delegate to the First Continental Congress in September and October 1774 and to the Second Continental Congress in 1775.
The opening campaigns of the war.
When fighting broke out between Massachusetts and the British in 1775, Congress named Washington commander of its newly created Continental army, hoping thus to promote unity between New England and Virginia. He took command of the makeshift force besieging the British in Boston in mid-July, and when the enemy evacuated the city in March 1776, he moved his army to New York. Defeated there in August by Gen. William Howe, he withdrew from Manhattan to establish a new defensive line north of New York City. In November he retreated across the Hudson River into New Jersey, and a month later crossed the Delaware to safety in Pennsylvania.
㈦ 英語翻譯 求大神
The Upper House, also known as the House of Lords. Members of the Upper House are appointed, not elected, with its membership being made up of royal descent, hereditary nobles and other hereditary peers. The House of Lords acts as the final court of appeal in the British judicial system. Other than serving as the United Kingdom's only court of last resort, the main task of the House of Lords is the approval of bills adopted by the House of Commons. In fact, the House of Lords have no real power.
The Lower House is also known as the House of Commons. Members are elected and usually serve for five years. However, the ruling government may choose to call an early election owing to political changes or reasons. According to the Constitution, the party manages to secure the majority seats in the election will become the ruling party.
The Cabinet has been the principal executive group of the British Government. The Cabinet makes policy decisions, including decisions about how policies will be implemented in legislation. The Parliament is largely influenced by the Cabinet.
The Prime Minister, who presides over the Cabinet, in fact, is the country's most powerful political figure.
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㈧ enoch powell 是誰
約翰伊諾克鮑威爾(enoch powell),MBE(1912–1998)古典學者、詩人和政治家,准將。保守(1950–1974)和愛爾蘭統一(1974–MP 1987)。議會秘書,住房和地方政府部門(1955 - 1957),財政部長(1958 - 1957),衛生部長(1960 - 1963)。支持自由市場經濟和第一位英國政治家主張貨幣主義。著名的parlamentarian,領先的反移民活動家和傑出的懷疑論者。